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Portland Meadows announcer battles his own addiction to betting the horses

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Gambling addiction acoustic guitars

Postby Mugul В» 21.06.2019

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There is a paucity of research on the advertising of gambling, especially the intensely marketed Internet poker and blackjack games. This study examines ads that aired on cable television in one Canadian jurisdiction. Using quantitative and qualitative methods, we analyze 64 distinct commercials that aired times over a 6-month period.

Our findings show that these ads target audiences along age, gender, and ethnic lines and mobilize celebrities, excitement, and humour as persuasive techniques to promote the view that on-line gambling is an entertainment experience in which skill prevails over luck, winning dominates losing, fantasy overshadows reality, leisure trumps work, and the potential for personal change eclipses the routines of everyday life.

We conclude that the e-gambling advertising assemblage, with its high-volume exposure, attractiveness, pervasiveness, and repetitiveness of messaging is now an embedded feature of everyday life that is especially connected to popular sport culture and to the fun ethic of contemporary consumer culture. Like cultural myths, ads aim to impress, stimulate, and persuade. If an ad taps into a modern myth, the response may be obvious, quick, and subconscious. On the other hand, more and more ads are complex and artful, requiring careful study of how they do what they do and how they create new metaphors for viewers that persist long after the ads have been shown.

Advertising in this view is a cultural game in which advertisers are challenged to map values of images onto products and viewers are challenged to use their cognitive competencies to interact with the messages they see or hear Pateman, In this article, we study television advertising, limiting our inquiries to remote gambling in Atlantic Canada.

Widespread gambling advertising, of course, is a relatively recent phenomenon and this growth is even more dramatic for Internet products that only became available in the mids. We examine a convenience sample of 64 distinct ads that played or replayed times during hours of recorded play time over a 6-month period from January to July Our purpose is to examine the social features and master messages of these ads and to study the connections between remote television gambling advertising and broader meanings and resources of contemporary consumer culture.

The paper is organized as follows: first, we discuss the role of commercial advertising in consumer society; next, we explain our methods; following that, we provide a detailed analysis of the commercials, examining both quantitative and qualitative data; finally, we discuss the dominant themes of primarily poker and blackjack advertising in the wider context of what we call the sportification and the ethic of fun surrounding contemporary forms of gambling.

Like myths, advertisements invoke responses that are swift and subconscious, or, like puzzles, they enjoin reactions that are cognitively challenging. In Pateman's , p. Advertising exists along a continuum bound by rhetoric and propaganda at either pole and employs tactics that are both expressive and programmatic.

It is a form of communication that invests goods with meaning on the one hand and integrates these same products into a culture of buying on the other Goffman, Every individual advertisement, therefore, is a ritual enactment that manifests the larger phenomenon of advertising as a cultural system. The formal properties of such rituals include repetition, acting, staging, stylization, and the affirmation of shared values. At a most basic level, ads sell social needs, desires, and statuses to people.

But the content of ads is almost always framed by knowledge of other cultural signs and symbols that already mean something to consumers Pateman, , pp. Quiz games linked to television programs advertise gambling over the telephone to boost their ratings and provide viewers with an interactive consumer experience involving lottery-like formats, virtual wagering, and trivia competitions Griffiths, New information communication technologies and the computer permit continuous gambling and endless promotions on-line, and the near future promises spontaneous betting during sporting and cultural events such as wagering on whether someone will score from a penalty shot in Olympic hockey or be eliminated from the latest round of American Idol.

Gambling corporations now promote their products with other consumer goods and services, such as telecommunications, the media, travel, leisure, and entertainment, and associate the proceeds of gambling with public education, cultural programs, and social welfare.

Schools, hospitals, churches, and charities, for example, rely more and more on gambling to raise capital, thus extending the cultural reach and social legitimacy of gambling by embedding it further into the routines of everyday life Korn, Parents increasingly model gambling to their children by teaching them how to gamble, by financing their gambling activities, and by buying gambling products for them, and young co-workers entering the workforce often play daily and weekly draws hoping against all odds that they will dance the happy dance of the next millionaire Derevensky et al.

Indeed, in two recent Canadian studies, gambling was not even thought of as risky behaviour by young people; it was ranked below hitchhiking alone, cheating on a test, dating on the Internet, shoplifting, and skipping work, and it was regarded as much a common feature of everyday life as drinking, smoking, and driving an automobile D-Code, , pp.

Thus, gambling ads interact and intersect with other forms of cultural production and consumption in society to derive meaning and enhance credibility Elliott, Alcohol and tobacco advertising, for example, have been especially crafted to mirror dominant representations of youth lifestyles as selling points. Marlow , pp. He was expressed in his own youthful rebellion as simply above all sensible advice.

Taylor , pp. Perfume and designer drinks, for example, were promoted through coded references to club culture e. Walsh and Gentile , pp. Korn et al. Their advertisements flow freely across national borders, avoiding or evading the few regulations placed on them by local overseers for their own products. Television programming via satellite, cable, or Internet sources, the subject of this paper, for example, introduced gambling in Canada in a manner that took advantage of the loopholes in the gaming and betting provisions of the Criminal Code.

These dot-net sites, nevertheless, provide cash accounts, incentives and bonuses to gamble, and a daily diet of ads urging people to consume gambling products by practising on-line. They offer tutelage and mentorship, competitive tournaments and anticipatory socialization to gamble, motives and rationales to gamble, much valued recruitment lists for real gambling sites, and brand loyalty in a competitive market where regulation and trust are in short supply.

As Zangeneh et al. This study explores the relatively recent world of remote gambling advertising as a form of cultural communication. We ask several questions: What is achieved by an ad for Internet gambling?

What meanings, messages, and usages are prominent in remote gambling advertising? Do these gambling ads make use of the cultural capital of their audiences in selling gambling to consumers? What are the wider cultural referents that shape on-line gambling ads? On the one hand, we counted and analyzed the literal sounds, images, and texts of advertisement discourse.

As van Dijk , p. The ad sources that informed our analysis were drawn from cable television stations rather than from satellite outlets because two thirds of all Nova Scotian households own cablevision Statistics Canada, We sampled as follows: First, programs dedicated to gambling activities were taped daily from 5 p.

Second, prime time programs were taped every day from 8 p. Six prime time networks were chosen and rotated on a weekly basis. Finally, sports programs were taped every day at 8 p. Our 6-month sample of coverage identified television programs that played on 11 television networks, resulting in the acquisition of 64 distinct remote television commercials that played during hours of recorded play time.

Each commercial was named and coded for variables surrounding ad content, design, target audience, master themes, and responsible gambling messages. The authors developed a codebook along with operational definitions of all variables. A caveat, however, is called for.

Content analysis is best at uncovering the preferred messages of the senders of the ads at the representational level. It does not evaluate how the messages were received by audiences nor account for how attitudes, beliefs, or behaviours were affected by advertising.

These tasks will be undertaken in future focus group and interview studies. The majority of the 64 ads that promoted blackjack and poker did so on dedicated gambling shows Of the television shows, the top 4 in terms of frequency were programs that highlighted poker: Poker After Dark 7. If we consider television broadcast vendors, NBC showed the greatest percentage Forty-four percent of all television programs contained a gambling advertisement, averaging three ads per program.

Overall, there were showings of the 64 gambling commercials, with each one lasting about 30 seconds. The placement time varied over a hour period.

The majority of ads aired between 8 p. The median time of day that the ads aired was p. Ten of the 64 ads accounted for over half of all commercial airtime The most frequent corporate advertiser was FullTiltPoker.

Many of these advertisements signified that potential on-line players could become close and trusted friends with the experts if they heeded their advice. Other advertisements in their arsenal, however, signified the opposite message: New players were encouraged to believe that they could actually beat professional gamblers at their own game. These commercials used emotions around the contingency of competition and the suddenness of winning to focus attention, encourage motivation, and fix memory.

The second most frequent advertiser, PokerStars. They relied on direct endorsements from celebrity gamblers. The PokerStars. Important messages were forthcoming.

The power of these commercials was in the pervasive and persuasive use of catchy scenarios, attractive virtual habitats, split screens, dynamic action frames, and culturally attuned linguistic tropes to encourage viewers to connect with a series of portrayals of card-based gambling linked to competition, pleasure, learning, and camaraderie, making only low-key references to the product, usually in the final frame of the ad.

The types of gambling products most often put into advertisements were on-line poker In fact, the average number of males included in a commercial was seven, whereas for females it was one. She is joined by a male Scott who cannot stop pinching himself because he won access to play for millions of dollars in prize money. Scott suddenly pinches the woman's bottom. Caucasians constituted the majority of visible faces in the advertisements; of the people shown were Caucasian.

Moreover, as the age of the intended audience increased, the less frequent were these age groups in the advertisements: ages 19 to 35 However, this pattern did not hold true for adolescents; they seemed to be the direct intended target in only 4.

Their expressive body language was dramatized and serialized to move, excite, and exemplify so as to make poker play attractive and appealing to potential youthful audiences. But novices learning to gamble were also regularly targeted by the ads These commercials were akin to classroom scenarios. They offered recruitment information, betting instructions, social engineering skills, fraternity, and emblematic status with the pros.

The visual syntax and the verbal language of the ads engaged the audience through role-playing, satirical competition, and in-joking and promised fame and fortune. To attract audiences, advertisers designed their commercials carefully. The majority of visual frames, which averaged 15 per commercial, dramatized close-up camera positioning in 54 of the 64 ads.

These frames evoked the emotional responses of gamblers and the sentient features of their games. Cards, dice, and chips were shuffled, rolled, counted, stacked, and seductively thrown in the air and on tables to enjoin the viewer to experience the pleasure of play, and pots were pushed, pulled, and coddled to signal the promise and benefits of successful wagering.

Here, the entire visual focus was on freeing the images from the confines of the ad frame by cropping the face from the nose to the hairline. The images featured the eyes of the characters that looked past the audience, opening up for consideration whatever the viewer imagined he or she saw.

The verbal anchorage, however, echoed the messages of self-expression, freedom from constraint, and what the future might be. Long camera shots that stressed environment over people or objects were deployed in only 9 of the 64 ads, and they were usually combined with a medley of close-up or medium frames.

Here, a baseball field with trees and hills behind it was the main focus of the ad.

Compulsive Gambling - Acoustic-Medley, time: 3:57
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Currie, C. A content analysis gxmbling content analysis: Twenty-five years of journalism quarterly. He started going to Gamblers Anonymous meetings, but like many first-timers, he was turned off. Griffiths, M. For correspondence: John L.

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Postby Mezim В» 21.06.2019

For correspondence: John L. We examine a convenience sample of 64 distinct ads that played or replayed times during hours of recorded play time over a 6-month period from January to July Meyers, A. Waiters, E. Competing interests: None.

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